In his book, World order, Henry Kissinger writes that a reconstruction of the international system constitutes the ultimate challenge to political competence in our time. Today we are in the middle of this reconstruction, with different centers of power and reconfigured areas of interest. The Pax Americana, established after World War II, is being called into question. Whether the United States has the statesmanship and foresight to remain a global superpower remains highly uncertain.
In the United States, cultural divisions, endless money printing, and massive deficit spending demonstrate a lack of leadership that has significantly weakened the country. Many of the most vocal politicians are quick to take up the mantle of demagoguery by saying what they think most people want to hear. Yet, as is the case with demagoguery, what people want to hear is often far from the truth and can even have consequences to the detriment of the people themselves.
In this context, there is a false dichotomy presented by many politicians that the United States has only two choices: either export democracy with troops on the ground and engage with distant nations, or isolationism accompanied of retreating to American soil and abandoning the world to its fate. . America’s preeminent status comes not only with benefits (seen and invisible) but, more importantly, with responsibilities. The United States can focus on its internal problems And rise to the challenges the world is facing at the same time. In fact, by focusing on its border, finding the necessary social cohesion, fighting against cultural Marxism, reducing taxes, reducing red tape, encouraging production, investment, innovation and employment in the private sector and, ultimately, by consolidating its finances, it can find the strength to respond to the international challenges of our time.
America can surpass Chinese and Russian advances, both in quantity and quality, if it returns to an updated version of the fusionist principles and policies that allowed it to win the Cold War, and if it adopts a principled realism of peace through strength. The debacle in Afghanistan two years ago was a clear sign that America was withdrawing from the world in a chaotic manner, leaving behind not only its allies but also its own citizens. This fiasco undoubtedly encouraged Russia to attack Ukraine a few months later. A Russian victory in Ukraine would also encourage China and its aspirations around Taiwan and the South China Sea. The current situation in Israel can be attributed to the unstable world order we are heading towards. As America moves backwards and the world becomes multipolar, such conflicts will become more frequent, not less frequent.
Of course, this does not mean that the United States should send blank checks to every country in the world. A true conservative – and, frankly, anyone with a little common sense – recognizes the need for oversight and accountability. Taxpayers need to know what is happening to their money. However, the American citizen must understand that victories by China, Russia, Iran or North Korea will harm American interests. American withdrawal from the world stage after World War I contributed to a more complex and less stable international environment. Today, such an isolationist stance would mean a diminished and worse-off United States, and a more dominant China.
On the other hand, it must be recognized that the excesses of American foreign policy have contributed to a distrust of the American people with regard to international engagement. It is incumbent upon America’s leaders to balance the need for American leadership on the world stage with the American people’s demands for prudence, transparency, accountability, and better economic and social policies at home. This is why good leadership is necessary.
In recent years, the United States has pursued a chaotic foreign policy. In the Balkans, for example, he sought a so-called “stabilocracy,” sacrificing democracy in the name of stability and delegating decision-making power to unelected bureaucrats, often tempted by lobbying. In doing so, it has undermined democratic systems, while endangering medium and long-term stability in a very delicate region. American diplomats are often accused of violating the Vienna Convention and interfering in domestic policies, profoundly affecting international relations and damaging the reputation of the United States.
Whenever politics is abandoned in favor of bureaucracy, the result is more authoritarianism, greater corruption, lower living standards, and increased involvement from actors like Russia and China. The United States needs a clear and coherent long-term policy in the Balkans that respects these countries and the will of their citizens, truly addresses their democratic aspirations, and strengthens their stability, while preventing a further rise in violence. authoritarianism. Other examples of harmful or disastrous policies can be found in the Middle East, in the neglect of Persian Gulf allies and the abandonment of Africa and South America to China.
The Trump administration has attempted to improve many aspects of U.S. foreign policy. The Abraham Accords deserve to be praised. President Trump was right to push each NATO member to pay its fair share, continuing an earlier Obama-era policy, albeit more aggressively. President Trump’s warnings about European appeasement toward Russia were necessary and welcomed, as was his stance toward China. However, Trump was wrong to treat Europe as an enemy – a mistake the next Republican president should not make.
The key to Western success during the Cold War was the alliance and cohesion that existed in the West, notably in the 1980s with the coalition of President Reagan, Prime Minister Thatcher and Pope John Paul II. Europe must do more to reform itself. He must abandon his socialist policies and reverse course on the economic front. Otherwise, it will result in geographic irrelevance with a zombified economy. Likewise, NATO member countries must pay more for their defense and coordinate better with each other. The European Union must be encouraged to play its role in becoming an equal partner to the United States and the second pillar of the West, defending democracy, common-sense economic and cultural policies, and a realistic and principled foreign policy. principles. European countries should look after their interests and strengthen themselves through supply-side policies, limited government, free markets and law and order, while cooperating with, trading with and strengthening their allies. the bulwark of the West against its enemies.
Governor DeSantis of Florida expressed this view, however briefly, during his campaign for the Republican Party presidential nomination. He recognizes the need to turn attention to China and pursue a sort of decoupling from the Asian dragon – a position that enjoys bipartisan support and is already an American policy, begun by President Obama and continued by his two successors. Nevertheless, Governor DeSantis also recognizes the Russian threat, for which he believes that greater European involvement and greater cooperation between the two continents are necessary. DeSantis knows that for the United States to continue to be the world’s superpower, it must turn to fiscal consolidation and supply-side policies while fighting cultural Marxism and irresponsible left-wing policies that are harming the United States. inside. He understands the need for an American presence on the world stage and appreciates how this benefits America in a multipolar world of ever-increasing risks, while also recognizing the American public’s calls for caution, responsibility and to better management of taxpayers’ money.
A Western-based world order cannot be achieved by the United States alone. This requires a coalition of strong countries, each preserving their individual dignity, values and even interests, while nevertheless cooperating on their common goals. History shows that this is possible. To achieve this, it is enough for leaders to show enough foresight and prudence to find the necessary balance and hold back the dogs of war, without falling into the fatal attraction of appeasement and retreat.