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The Balkans: neither the EU’s backyard nor any country’s playground

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The Balkans is not a frequently used term in the context of the European Union. For the EU, the Balkans primarily means the “Western Balkans,” a term with no historical roots and manufactured for a divisive political agenda. In the early 1990s, Western countries, and especially EU countries as a group, decided to ontologically transform the Balkan region, starting with its name. In accordance with this decision, they divided the Balkans into regions. According to the EU, Croatia, Bulgaria, Romania and Greece (since they are EU members) are no longer part of the Balkans.

In this sense, they are part of “Europe”, a term itself subject to interpretations based on various political agendas. On the other hand, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro, Kosovo, Albania and Macedonia constitute what the EU calls the “Western Balkans” region. When confronted with this term, the question that inevitably arises is: “Well, who is compromising the Eastern Balkans?” » » It seems that Turkey alone is the “Eastern Balkans”, although, strangely, this is never explicitly stated.

According to the Encyclopedia Britannica, the word “Balkan” is a Turkish word meaning “mountain”. The term “Western Balkans”, on the other hand, ignores the sociological and historical facts of the Balkans, destroys their integrity and deliberately attempts to exclude a certain country, Turkey, from the Balkans and therefore from Europe. From my point of view, the term “Western Balkans” is an inappropriate term. This is an attempt to “Balkanize the Balkans,” that is, an attempt to fragment an already fragmented region, tragically full of historical and current rivalries and animosities.

As I explained in my Daily Sabah article titled “A half-hearted EU enlargement in the Balkans” (May 14, 2018), the European Commission adopted a strategy in February 2018 titled “A Credible Enlargement Perspective for a strengthened EU”. engagement with the Western Balkans.

The strategy sees enlargement policy “as an integral part of a broader strategy to strengthen the EU by 2025. It also presented the enlargement package to the European Parliament in Strasbourg and declared the recommendation of Commission that the EU Council would open accession negotiations with certain “Western” Balkan countries. In addition, it made specific recommendations regarding certain other countries in the region.

Some reports and analyzes view the “Western Balkans” region as Europe’s southern backyard, while others refer to the “Western Balkans” as the “playground” of non-Western countries trying to increase their influence in the region. This approach is not limited to press articles or political analyses.

We see the same understanding in the official statements of influential EU leaders. For example, French President Emmanuel Macron, in a speech to the European Parliament on April 17, ruled out any expansion of the European Union in the context of the “Western Balkans” until the Union is reformed. However, he also said: “I don’t want a Balkans that turns towards Turkey or Russia.”

Another more recent example is the statement by German Foreign Minister Heiko Maas in the Bundestag on September 12.

During his speech, he reportedly said that China could replace the EU as a major player in the “Western Balkans.” He also felt that “it is important that we offer these (Western Balkan) countries a European perspective and a reliable perspective, because otherwise they would turn to other countries, like China, which are already ready and not don’t do it.” I don’t have the values ​​that we have.”

The EU report

In addition to these declarations from EU leaders, the European Union Institute for Security Studies (EUISS) published on September 3 its article by Chaillot n°147 entitled “The future of the Balkans – Three scenarios for 2025 “. The EUISS website describes the Chaillot Papers as “the institute’s flagship publication, written by external experts as well as the Institute’s senior analysts, and based on collective work or individual research, which addresses of all current issues for the security of the Union”.

We understand from its title that this Chaillot document aimed to shed light on the possible security situation in the Balkans by 2025, the date set as the objective for strengthening the EU. Accordingly, the Summary section of the document asks: “What will the Western Balkans look like in 2025?” What is most interesting and striking about the document is that it refers to “disruptive external actors” in the “Western Balkans” as one of the game-changing factors in the said region. The paper attempts to explain the game changers in the region and asks: “Several other external actors are actively working against the goal of liberal reform in the region. Will the Western Balkan states be able to mitigate these potentially disruptive influences, represented mainly by Russia, China, Turkey and the Gulf countries?

Turkey in the region

It is simply frightening to see such a serious accusation against Turkey in a document prepared under the responsibility of one of the EU institutions responsible for security studies. One would expect the Chaillot newspaper in question to provide adequate justification for its accusation. However, this is not the case. According to the newspaper, Turkey is a disruptive external actor for the “Western Balkans” because:

Supports Bosnia and Herzegovina’s membership in NATO

Supports the independence of Kosovo

Encourages NATO to invite Macedonia to join the Alliance

Initiates trilateral meetings between Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia and Croatia

Enjoys a positive reception among citizens of the “Western Balkans” countries

Is respected by Serbian youth

The document thus absurdly asserts that Turkey is a “disruptive external actor” because it promotes friendship, cooperation, stability and security in the region. Upon further review, it becomes clear that the document provides no justification for why Turkey should be designated as a disruptive external actor.

It is completely deplorable to read such an unprofessional assessment in the flagship publication of the European Union Institute for Security Studies. In my opinion, the EUISS owes its public a correction for singling out Turkey as one of the “disruptive external actors” in the Balkans, without providing any proper justification.

Recent assessments and opinions expressed in publications, strategies and statements by EU institutions and leaders lead me to the following conclusion: the EU’s interest in the Balkans has been driven primarily by fears about the role from other countries in the region. If so, this interest represents the old conception of “spheres of influence” from the colonial expansion of European powers in Africa and Asia in past centuries.

The Balkans are an integral part of Europe. The EU should not view the Balkans only as part of a “sphere of influence” game. It must respect the historical, social and cultural integrity of the region. In this regard, it should be emphasized that Turkey is not just a geographically Balkan country, but has been an integral part of this region socially and culturally for centuries.

Turkey is not an external power striving for dominance in the region, rather it is a Balkan country striving to cultivate its ties with its Balkan compatriots, foster the region’s development and maintain its integrity. Turkey has never explicitly or implicitly demonstrated a rivalry mentality with any other country in this region. Nor has anyone been able to demonstrate how Turkish initiatives represent a danger for the Balkans. Insisting on viewing Turkey as an external power with a negative influence on the Balkans demonstrates a misunderstanding not only of Turkey but of the Balkans as a whole.

* Analyst, Center for Eurasian Studies (AVİM)

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